ASM Occasional Electronic Papers No. 1: Homol'ovi IV

Chapter Fourteen:
Conclusions, cont.

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Analysis of results

Perimeter Walls

Detailed mapping of walls indicated no perimeter walls around the base of Homol'ovi IV. This does not support an expectation of defense as the primary explanation for the configuration of the village. On the other hand, access to the top of the butte is restricted to a narrow passage accessed only by stairs built into the slope of the butte on the south side. At the top of the stairs a double coursed masonry wall restricted access to the remainder of the rooms. It is possible entry to the pueblo on top of the butte was by ladder only. Such restricted access supports a model of monumentality or ritual control vested in the occupants of the top of the butte. O'Donovan (2002) observed a similar pattern and offered the same explanation for Cerro de Trincheras, Sonora, Mexico.

Ladder Construction

LeBlanc (1999) observed that spinal room blocks provide an efficient mechanism for rapid construction of rooms that might be necessary for individuals feeling immediate threat from enemies. Spinal room blocks have been observed at Homol'ovi IV as parts of all construction episodes lasting over the course of the 25-30 year occupation of the village. Additionally, such construction has been observed at Homol'ovi I where spinal segments of rooms were constructed, but left unconnected to other spinal segments in the early construction of the village (Adams 2002). Such a construction plan would have left Homol'ovi I susceptible to attack. Similarly, the founders of Homol'ovi III also used ladder construction in the first room block built at the village. The small size of Homol'ovi III and its location in the Little Colorado River floodplain suggests conflict was likely not an issue because it would have been vulnerable to attack.

From the persistent use of ladder construction over the occupation span at Homol'ovi IV, for initial construction at Homol'ovi III and Homol'ovi I, it seems more likely that ladder construction was a technique for rapid construction of a group of rooms for a multiple household group that was simply efficient and has nothing to do with whether or not the group felt threatened. In the cases at Homol'ovi, including Homol'ovi IV, there is no indication the technique was employed for protection purposes.

Frequency of Artifacts that could be used as Weapons

LeBlanc (1999) cites axes, projectile points, and bone awls as possible offensive weapons used by Pueblo people. Only a single broken axe, 22 projectile points, and 10 bone awls were recovered from Homol'ovi IV. The context of deposition of these artifacts is primarily within midden deposits indicating they were either lost or discarded. The low number of artifacts and their discard context does not suggest their primary purpose was in warfare.

Rock Art

Cole (1989) recorded the rock art at Homol'ovi IV. Although two possible shield motifs are visible in one panel, no other indications of war-related rock art is present at Homol'ovi IV. Numerous panels bear repeated elements of the same animal, similar to the pattern observed by Michaelis (1981) at the Hopi shrine of Willowsprings or Tutuveni. These symbols represent repeated visits by members of the same clan to the shrine and represented clan symbols. In addition, many animals, some with associated hunters, are depicted in the Homol'ovi IV rock art, suggesting the possibility of hunting magic. The rock art is accessible to the members of the village. The absence of restricted access suggests the rock art is not associated with ritual or power. The most parsimonious explanation of the Homol'ovi IV rock art with respect to the models is that the village was viewed as a boundary marker for Hopi clans and villages.

Burning

Although only 11 structures were excavated at Homol'ovi IV, none of them showed any sign of burning nor were any unburied bodies or other indications of violence recovered during the excavations. Chevelon Pueblo has been extensively burned and this is visible on the surface due to burned walls and features and the presence of extensive burned deposits exposed through vandalism of the site. Homol'ovi IV has also been extensively vandalized and no burned rooms or deposits have been exposed. There is no indication that even one room at Homol'ovi IV was burned. The absence of whole artifacts in the site and the lack of artifacts on the floors of excavated structures suggest that when Homol'ovi IV was abandoned it was done peacefully and the occupants removed most of their belongings for a short distance migration, probably to Homol'ovi I (Adams 2002). Additionally, neither ritual structure, structures 1 and 2, excavated at Homol'ovi IV was burned, a pattern present at Homol'ovi II and III, but less so at Homol'ovi I. Such purposeful burning of kivas has been interpreted as associated with ritual abandonment (Walker 1995).

Aggregation through Local Abandonment of Small Sites

LeBlanc (1999), Wilcox and Haas (1994) predict that site aggregation in the late 1200s is a product of the consolidation of numerous small villages in the area into larger ones due to the fear or threat of conflict. Adams (2002), Lange (1998), and Young (1996) have documented the absence of any habitation sites in the vicinity of Homol'ovi IV when it was settled in the 1250s. Therefore, this pattern does not hold in the Homol'ovi area during the occupation of Homol'ovi IV.

Exchanged Artifacts

Ceramics and obsidian were exchanged from Anderson Mesa villages into Homol'ovi IV. Ceramics were exchanged from Hopi Mesa villages to Homol'ovi IV. Other than cotton and pottery, it is unclear what the Homol'ovi IV occupants exchanged to these communities. Perhaps Homol'ovi IV was simply in the middle of a broad exchange network and its primary purpose was to facilitate exchange between Hopi Mesa villages and communities farther south. The great distance between Homol'ovi IV and the nearest contemporary village or village cluster mitigates against its role as an important member of a political alliance due to conflict. It would take two days to reach Chavez Pass, the closest village on Anderson Mesa and perhaps three days to reach the nearest Hopi Mesa village. Economic alliances seem more likely than political or conflict-based alliances in the case of Homol'ovi IV.

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