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ASM Occasional Electronic Papers No. 1: Homol'ovi IV

Chapter Fourteen:
Conclusions, cont.

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Relations with Neighbors

Given that 51% of the ceramics at Homol'ovi IV probably derived from the vicinity of the Hopi Mesas and another 14% were exchanged from the Anderson Mesa Sinagua, it is clear that the two primary exchange groups were a village or villages on the Hopi Mesas and on Anderson Mesa. Less than 3.5% of the ceramics were derived from eastern or southern groups and their variability suggests multiple trading partners. It would seem that a primary role for Homol'ovi IV was as an intermediary in an exchange network between Anderson Mesa and Hopi Mesa villages.

Subsistence

The primary chapters devoted to subsistence indicate nothing unusual about the subsistence base of the Homol'ovi IV occupants with respect to regional patterns or most particularly to patterns found at other Homol'ovi villages. Primary dependence on maize and lagomorphs is supported by the archaeological evidence and is typical of all Homol'ovi cluster villages and large villages in general. The lagomorph index for Homol'ovi IV is similar to those for Homol'ovi II and III, suggesting a dominance of cottontail over jackrabbit through time in the Homol'ovi area (cf. Strand and McKim 1996; Pierce 2001). The most unusual aspect of the faunal remains is the high frequency, over 10%, of artiodactyl remains, which resulted in a high artiodactyl:lagomorph index. This suggests large game was either more available or the occupants were willing to go a longer distance for large game than at Homol'ovi III and II. The bias toward long bones in the identifiable assemblage indicates only the meatiest cuts of the animals were being brought back to the village, which suggests the possibility of distant procurement. Nineteenth century expeditions found abundant deer, antelope, and elk seasonally available in the Homol'ovi area, meaning the occupants of Homol'ovi IV, as the first residents in the Little Colorado River valley, might have had seasonal resources of artiodactyl locally available (Strand 1998).

The plant remains recovered four groups of domesticates -- maize, beans, squash, and cotton, with maize dominant. Wild species indicate several environments were exploited including local uplands, riparian habitats, and some long distance species probably brought by periodic floods of the river. K. Adams notes in her chapter that the high frequency of weedy plants in the recovered remains suggests a disturbed habitat consistent with farming. The presence of cotton in only 5% of sampled proveniences indicates it was present but probably a minor part of the agricultural pursuits of the Homol'ovi IV occupants, unlike their later counterparts at Homol'ovi I and II (LaMotta 2004; Miksicek 1991).

Site Purpose

As presented in chapter 1, there are at least three possible reasons for the location of Homol'ovi IV on top and the sides of a butte. The three that are to be evaluated using the excavated evidence include: for defensive purposes, to maintain ownership or boundaries, and for ritual or monumentality purposes. Given the relatively limited excavations but extensive mapping of Homol'ovi IV, the following implications of the three hypothetical roles can be used to evaluate their explanatory value.

  1. The presence, location, and size of perimeter walls or other means to restrict access to all or parts of the site.
    1. Walls around the perimeter suggest conflict was present and explains the layout of Homol'ovi IV.
    2. Walls or restricted access to the top suggests monumentality or ritual was the purpose for Homol'ovi IV
  2. The presence of ladder construction, especially numerous long segments of rooms planned and built simultaneously.
    1. Numerous lengthy room blocks displaying ladder construction indicates the need for rapid building and possible warfare according to LeBlanc (1999).
    2. Ladder construction used over the entire occupation of Homol'ovi IV through repeated construction events suggests processes other than conflict could have caused this construction type.
  3. Frequency of projectile points, axes, awls, and similar artifacts.
    1. High frequency of these artifact types suggests their use for non-subsistence needs, primarily conflict (LeBlanc 1999). Frequency is difficult to measure, but its context in the archaeological record might be suggestive. If conflict is the explanation, presence of these artifacts predominantly in midden or trash deposits would not be expected due to their constant need. Caches of these artifacts, however, would suggest conflict.
  4. The style and details of rock art either with shields, repeated images, or more diverse depictions.
    1. Presence of shields is used by LeBlanc (1999) to argue for conflict
    2. Presence of repeated images of animals, plants, or similar iconography suggests the rock art represents clan symbols and the site is more likely a boundary marker.
    3. Presence of ritual objects or location of rock art in potential restricted access areas suggests ritual or monumentality might be the explanation.
  5. Extensive burning of structures.
    1. Burning of many structures, domestic and ritual, suggests possible conflict
    2. Burning of ritual structures suggests ritual abandonment
    3. Absence of burning may indicate conflict was not present or at least realized, although inferences about conflict must come from several lines of evidence and do not require that burning is present.
  6. Aggregation represented through local abandonment of small sites.
    1. Presence of this pattern could suggest concern for safety and possibly presence of conflict.
  7. Artifacts from nearby settlements suggest relationships representing alliances, exchange, or migration.
    1. The great distance between Homol'ovi IV and the nearest known contemporary site suggests an effective political alliance would be difficult.
    2. Artifacts from multiple nearby areas would be more suggestive of exchange than alliance or migration.
    3. Increase of exchanged items through time could reflect migration rather than exchange.
  8. Inter-visibility with nearby villages is often important during times of conflict.
    1. Because Homol'ovi IV has no visible contemporary sites, this pattern does not apply.
  9. Differentiation of site use by elevation or accessibility.
    1. The concept of monumentality and ritual differentiation is supported by ritual precincts, restricted access to certain areas, or preference of ritual or monumental architecture by placement on elevated areas to a site (O'Donovan 2002).

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