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ASM Occasional Electronic Papers No. 1: Homol'ovi IV

Chapter Four:
Research Design and Methodology, cont.

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Relationship to other Homol'ovi Villages

Relationship to other Homol'ovi villages is potentially complex. The foremost critical variable is to determine whether or not Homol'ovi IV was contemporary with any other of the Homol'ovi villages. If not, the next important question is did the Homol'ovi IV occupants migrate to another village and, if so, what is the evidence? If Homol'ovi IV's occupation overlaps with other villages, then the nature of those relationships can be evaluated in terms of exchange of material goods.

The original expectations were that Homo- l'ovi IV predates the other Homol'ovi villages and, therefore, did not have any social or economic relationships with them. The second expectation was that the occupants of Homol'ovi IV did not leave the Homol'ovi area, but instead were incorporated into one of the later large villages, most likely Homol'ovi I or II. Homol'ovi I and II were suspected because they are closest and clearly later than Homol'ovi IV. Homol'ovi III, although closer, was, at 50 rooms, too small to absorb Homol'ovi IV occupants. The only other Homol'ovi cluster village large enough to absorb the Homol'ovi IV population is Chevelon and it is 16 km (10 miles) southeast of Homol'ovi I.

When excavations were conducted in 1989, HRP believed the most likely candidate for absorbing the Homol'ovi IV population was Homol'ovi II. It was known that Homol'ovi II had over 1000 rooms and had been built in a brief period of time, probably less than 10 years. The size and rapid growth of Homol'ovi II supported this possibility. Subsequent research by HRP has proven that Homol'ovi II was founded much later than when Homol'ovi IV was abandoned. This leaves Homol'ovi I as the best local candidate for absorbing the Homol'ovi IV population. Evidence for migration to Homol'ovi I is based primary on ceramics because Homol'ovi I was occupied for at least 100 years after Homol'ovi IV was abandoned and much of the original village configuration was obscured by subsequent construction to its final size of about 1100 rooms (Adams 2002). Detailed arguments for and against Homol'ovi I as the migration home for Homol'ovi IV will be explored later.

Methodology

Homol'ovi IV is a difficult village to excavate because of the extreme relief of the settlement. Most of the village lies along the south and east slopes of a 15 m high butte that average 50% grade. Such a steep slope has fostered erosion that has been accelerated by persistent vandalism of the site since the late 1880s symbolized by its local name of "Pottery Hill." With the expectation of only one season of fieldwork, it was decided to focus excavations on the lower slopes of the village, but to attempt to map the entire village using a theodolite and EDM. These two approaches promised to give us the variety of data needed to answer the research questions posed above.

Excavation Strategy

The extensive vandalism of Homol'ovi IV enabled HRP to determine the general layout of the village prior to excavations. The village seemed to be laid out in seven arcs of rooms along the slopes of the butte with rooms on top of the butte and scatters of rooms at the base of the butte below the arcs (Figure 4.1). The lower rooms were discontinuous around what seemed to be a large open space, or plaza, that apparently was bounded by rooms on the north, east, and west sides, but was unbounded to the south. Additionally, an isolated structure on the southwest edge of the village appeared to be a kiva, suggesting the limits of plaza space.

Homol'ovi IV

Figure 4.1 Homol'ovi IV

 

Sampling of this array of architecture and open space was designed to maximize HRP's understanding of spatial and temporal variability of Homol'ovi IV. To accomplish these goals it was decided that it was not possible to excavate in every part of the village and make meaning of such disparate information. Given the difficulty in accessing the higher parts of the village and the damage that would be done in hauling wheelbarrows and other excavation tools up the slope, it was decided to focus on the lower arcs of rooms while doing detailed mapping of the upper arcs and rooms on top of the butte. The added advantage to working in the lower rooms is their proximity to the plaza and potential ritual structures, perhaps gaining perspectives on spatial organization and village growth.

As a result, excavations began in the isolated kiva, designated structure 1, on the southwest edge of the village, in the lowest three arcs of rooms above the plaza, and in the plaza itself. Excavations in three different arcs would provide a sense of whether they were built at the same or different times. The expectation was that the top or highest arcs of rooms were built first. Secondly, what were social relationships between arcs of rooms? These could be investigated by whether doors or other indications of connections occurred just within arcs or between arcs as well. Similarly, room use differences between arcs of rooms could be investigated and evaluated as to whether or not there were patterns, such as had been found at Homol'ovi III (Adams 2001).

Initial excavations within the plaza adjacent to the lowest arc of rooms indicated that the lower slopes of the butte had originally been the midden for the upper arcs of rooms. As a result, the lower arcs of rooms were built over considerable depths of trash and in effect sealed these layers from additional disturbance. This discovery lead to two additional sampling strategies. First, excavations progressed below floor levels of rooms to bedrock or noncultural soils. Second, excavations in the plaza became much more complex because numerous plaza surfaces were built as the midden raised the level of the surface during the village's occupation. This lead to expanded excavations in the plaza and to testing of isolated late structures, such as structures 4 and 5, that were built over plaza surfaces. So, the relationships of rooms to specific plaza surfaces became an important tool to investigate the length and nature of village occupation.

Chapter: 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14

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